<P> Theodore Roosevelt, before he became president in 1901, was deeply involved in New York City politics . He explains how the machine worked: </P> <P> The organization of a party in our city is really much like that of an army . There is one great central boss, assisted by some trusted and able lieutenants; these communicate with the different district bosses, whom they alternately bully and assist . The district boss in turn has a number of half - subordinates, half - allies, under him; these latter choose the captains of the election districts, etc., and come into contact with the common heelers . </P> <P> Many machines formed in cities to serve immigrants to the U.S. in the late 19th century who viewed machines as a vehicle for political enfranchisement . Machine workers helped win elections by turning out large numbers of voters on election day . It was in the machine's interests to only maintain a minimally winning amount of support . Once they were in the majority and could count on a win, there was less need to recruit new members, as this only meant a thinner spread of the patronage rewards to be spread among the party members . As such, later - arriving immigrants, such as Jews, Italians, and other immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe between the 1880s and 1910s, saw fewer rewards from the machine system than the well - established Irish . At the same time, the machines' staunchest opponents were members of the middle class, who were shocked at the malfeasance and did not need the financial help . </P> <P> The corruption of urban politics in the United States was denounced by private citizens . They achieved national and state civil - service reform and worked to replace local patronage systems with civil service . By Theodore Roosevelt's time, the Progressive Era mobilized millions of private citizens to vote against the machines . </P>

Who did political machines appeal to the most