<P> Democratisation still left open one important distinction between the former princely states and the former British provinces, namely, that since the princely states had signed limited Instruments of Accession covering only three subjects, they were insulated from government policies in other areas . The Congress viewed this as hampering its ability to frame policies that brought about social justice and national development . Consequently, they sought to secure to the central government the same degree of powers over the former princely states as it had over the former British provinces . In May 1948, at the initiative of V.P. Menon, a meeting was held in Delhi between the Rajpramukhs of the princely unions and the States Department, at the end of which the Rajpramukhs signed new Instruments of Accession which gave the Government of India the power to pass laws in respect of all matters that fell within the seventh schedule of the Government of India Act 1935 . Subsequently, each of the princely unions, as well as Mysore and Hyderabad, agreed to adopt the Constitution of India as the constitution of that state, thus ensuring that they were placed in exactly the same legal position vis - à - vis the central government as the former British provinces . The only exception was Kashmir, whose relationship with India continued to be governed by the original Instrument of Accession, and the constitution produced by the state's Constituent Assembly . </P> <P> Effective from 1950, the Constitution of India classified the constituent units of India into three classes--Part A, B, and C states . The former British provinces, together with the princely states that had been merged into them, were the Part A states . The princely unions, plus Mysore and Hyderabad, were the Part B states . The former Chief Commissioners' Provinces and other centrally administered areas, except the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, were the Part C states . The only practical difference between the Part A states and the Part B states was that the constitutional heads of the Part B states were the Rajpramukhs appointed under the terms of the Covenants of Merger, rather than Governors appointed by the central government . In addition, Constitution gave the central government a significant range of powers over the former princely states, providing amongst other things that "their governance shall be under the general control of, and comply with such particular directions, if any, as may from time to time be given by, the President". Apart from that, the form of government in both was identical . </P> <P> The distinction between Part A and Part B states was only intended to last for a brief, transitional period . In 1956, the States Reorganisation Act reorganised the former British provinces and princely states on the basis of language . Simultaneously, the Seventh Amendment to the Constitution removed the distinction between Part A and Part B states, both of which were now treated only as "states", with Part C states being renamed "union territories". The Rajpramukhs lost their authority, and were replaced as the constitutional heads of state by Governors, who were appointed by the central government . These changes finally brought the princely order to an end . In both legal and practical terms, the territories that had been part of the princely states were now fully integrated into India and did not differ in any way from those that had been part of British India . The personal privileges of the princes--the privy purse, the exemption from customs duty, and customary dignities--survived, only to be abolished in 1971 . </P> <P> Although the progressive integration of the princely states into India was largely peaceful, not all princes were happy with the outcome . Many had expected the Instruments of Accession to be permanent, and were unhappy about losing the autonomy and the guaranteed continued existence of their states they had expected to gain . Some felt uneasy about the disappearance of states that generations of their family had controlled, while others were unhappy about the disappearance of administrative structures they had worked hard to build up and which they believed to be efficient . The majority, however, despite the "strain and tension" of adapting to life as private citizens, were content to retire on the generous pension provided by the privy purse . Several took advantage of their eligibility to hold public offices under the central government . The Maharaja of Bhavnagar, Col. Krishna Kumarasingh Bhavasingh Gohil, for example, became the Governor of Madras State, and several others were appointed to diplomatic posts overseas . </P>

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