<P> "Proletarians and Communists", the second section, starts by stating the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class . The communists' party will not oppose other working - class parties, but unlike them, it will express the general will and defend the common interests of the world's proletariat as a whole, independent of all nationalities . The section goes on to defend communism from various objections, including claims that it advocates "free love" or disincentivises people from working . The section ends by outlining a set of short - term demands--among them a progressive income tax; abolition of inheritances and private property; abolition of child labour; free public education; nationalisation of the means of transport and communication; centralisation of credit via a national bank; expansion of publicly owned etc.--the implementation of which would result in the precursor to a stateless and classless society . </P> <P> The third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature", distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the time--these being broadly categorised as Reactionary Socialism; Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism; and Critical - Utopian Socialism and Communism . While the degree of reproach toward rival perspectives varies, all are dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognise the pre-eminent revolutionary role of the working class . "Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Opposition Parties", the concluding section of the Manifesto, briefly discusses the communist position on struggles in specific countries in the mid-nineteenth century such as France, Switzerland, Poland, and Germany, this last being "on the eve of a bourgeois revolution", and predicts that a world revolution will soon follow . It ends by declaring an alliance with the social democrats, boldly supporting other communist revolutions, and calling for united international proletarian action--Working Men of All Countries, Unite! . </P> <P> In spring 1847 Marx and Engels joined the League of the Just, who were quickly convinced by the duo's ideas of "critical communism". At its First Congress in 2--9 June, the League tasked Engels with drafting a "profession of faith", but such a document was later deemed inappropriate for an open, non-confrontational organisation . Engels nevertheless wrote the "Draft of the Communist Confession of Faith", detailing the League's programme . A few months later, in October, Engels arrived at the League's Paris branch to find that Moses Hess had written an inadequate manifesto for the group, now called the League of Communists . In Hess's absence, Engels severely criticised this manifesto, and convinced the rest of the League to entrust him with drafting a new one . This became the draft Principles of Communism, described as "less of a credo and more of an exam paper ." </P> <P> On 23 November, just before the Communist League's Second Congress (29 November--8 December 1847), Engels wrote to Marx, expressing his desire to eschew the catechism format in favour of the manifesto, because he felt it "must contain some history ." On the 28th, Marx and Engels met at Ostend in Belgium, and a few days later, gathered at the Soho, London headquarters of the German Workers' Education Association to attend the Congress . Over the next ten days, intense debate raged between League functionaries; Marx eventually dominated the others and, overcoming "stiff and prolonged opposition", in Harold Laski's words, secured a majority for his programme . The League thus unanimously adopted a far more combative resolution than that at the First Congress in June . Marx (especially) and Engels were subsequently commissioned to draw up a manifesto for the League . </P>

What was the communist manifesto written in response to