<P> It became increasingly evident that the Belgian government lacked a strategic long - term vision in relation to the Congo .' Colonial affairs' did not generate much interest or political debate in Belgium, so long as the colony seemed to be thriving and calm . A notable exception was the young King Baudouin, who had succeeded his father, King Leopold III, under dramatic circumstances in 1951, when Leopold III was forced to abdicate . Baudouin took a close interest in the Congo . </P> <P> On his first state visit to the Belgian Congo in 1955, King Baudouin was welcomed enthusiastically by cheering crowds of whites and blacks alike, as captured in André Cauvin's documentary film, Bwana Kitoko . Foreign observers, such as the international correspondent of The Manchester Guardian or a Time journalist, remarked that Belgian paternalism "seemed to work", and contrasted Belgium's seemingly loyal and enthusiastic colonial subjects with the restless French and British colonies . On the occasion of his visit, King Baudouin openly endorsed the Governor - General's vision of a "Belgo - Congolese community"; but, in practice, this idea progressed slowly . At the same time, divisive ideological and linguistic issues in Belgium, which heretofore had been successfully kept out of the colony's affairs, began to affect the Congo as well . These included the rise of unionism among workers, the call for public (state) schools to break the missions' monopoly on education, and the call for equal treatment in the colony of both national languages: French and Dutch . Until then, French had been promoted as the unique colonial language . The Governor - General feared that such divisive issues would undermine the authority of the colonial government in the eyes of the Congolese, while also diverting attention from the more pressing need for true emancipation . </P> <P> Congolese participation in World War II and news of changes in other colonies resulted in their organising to gain more power . As a result of the inability of the colonial government to introduce radical and credible changes, the Congolese elites began to organise themselves socially and soon also politically . In the 1950s two markedly different forms of nationalism arose among the Congolese elites . The nationalist movement--to which the Belgian authorities, to some degree, turned a blind eye--promoted territorial nationalism, wherein the Belgian Congo would become one politically united state after independence . </P> <P> In opposition to this was the ethno - religious and regional nationalism that took hold in the Bakongo territories of the west coast, Kasai and Katanga . The first political organisations were of the latter type . ABAKO, founded in 1950 as the Association culturelle des Bakongo and headed by Joseph Kasa - Vubu, was initially a cultural association that soon turned political . From the mid-1950s, it became a vocal opponent of Belgian colonial rule . Additionally, the organization continued to serve as the major ethno - religious organization for the Bakongo and became closely intertwined with the Kimbanguist Church, which was extremely popular in the lower Congo . </P>

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