<P> The number of security agents was cut by 22% and, by a widespread amnesty, 35,000 detainees across the entire country were released . 9,000 imprisoned for political reasons were freed in all . Hardline Stalinists, such as Jakub Berman, Roman Romkowski and Anatol Fejgin, were removed from power, some arrested . Berman, dismissed in May, by Gomułka's decision was never prosecuted . Under Gomułka, a few perpetrators of Stalinist crimes were prosecuted and sentenced to prison terms . A much broader plan to charge the responsible and verify all of the security apparatus was formally presented by the prosecutors, but the action was not approved by Gomułka, who counted among the Stalinist persecution victims, as did his wife . Gomułka conducted some purges and reforms but did not want to destabilize the security system, now under his control, by wide - ranging formal prosecutions . </P> <P> Beginning on 28 June 1956, workers in the industrial city of Poznań, who had repeatedly, but in vain petitioned the authorities to intervene and improve their deteriorating situation, went on strike and rioted in response to a cut in wages and changed working conditions . Demonstrations by factory workers turned into a huge citywide protest . 16 tanks, 2 armoured personnel carriers and 30 vehicles were brought to bear by a local military commander . Some of them were seized by the protesters, who also broke into the local government buildings . 57 people were killed and several hundred injured in two days of fighting . Several major military formations entered the scene, but the army's role was mainly that of support of the police and the security forces action . At the Poznań radio station, Prime Minister Cyrankiewicz in his widely publicized speech warned and threatened the rioters: he "...who will dare raise his hand against the people's rule may be sure that...the authorities will chop off his hand". Of the 746 people officially detained during and in the aftermath of the disturbances, almost 80% were workers . The authorities launched an investigation, attempting to uncover a claimed premeditated instigation and involvement by Western or anticommunist underground centers . Such efforts were unsuccessful and the events were found to have been spontaneous and locally supported . The Poznań revolt's lasting impact was that it caused a deeper and more liberal realignment within the Polish communist party and its relationship to Moscow . </P> <P> Deeply shaken by the protests and violence, the 7th Plenum of the Central Committee, held in July 1956, split into two groups, the "ethno - nationalist" Natolin and the "reformist" Puławy factions, named after the locations where they held their meetings . The Natolin faction consisted largely of communist officials from the army and state security, including Mieczysław Moczar, Zenon Kliszko and Zenon Nowak, who advocated the removal of "Stalin's Jewish protégés", but were themselves of Stalinist sympathies . The Puławy faction included communists of Jewish origin from the security apparatus, many of whom spent the war in the Soviet Union, disillusioned opportunists, and members of the old communist intelligentsia . Many were former Stalinist fanatics, past Gomułka's enemies, now turned liberal reformers, supporters of Gomułka's return to power . Both factions supported the Sovietization of Poland with somewhat different aims, but the staunch Stalinists lacked the support of Khrushchev . The regime turned to conciliation: wage rises and other reforms for the Poznań workers were announced . In the party and among the intellectuals, demands calling for wider reforms of the Stalinist system were becoming more widespread and intense . </P> <P> Realizing the need for new leadership, in what became known as the Polish October, the Politburo chose Gomułka, who had been released from prison and reinstated in the party, and the Central Committee's 8th Plenum elected him without a Soviet approval the new first secretary of the PZPR . Subsequently, Gomułka convinced the Soviet leaders that he would preserve the Soviet influence in Poland . Gomułka's elevation was preceded by ominous Soviet military moves and an arrival of Soviet high - level delegation led by Khrushchev, which flew into Warsaw to witness and influence the upheaval in the Polish party . After the sometimes confrontational encounters and negotiations, they soon returned to Moscow, where the Soviet leader announced on 21 October that the idea of an armed intervention in Poland should be abandoned . This position was soon reinforced by the pressure from communist China, which expressed its great power aspirations and demanded that the Soviets leave the new Polish leadership alone . On 21 October in Warsaw Gomułka's return to power was accomplished, giving rise to the era of national communism in Poland . Gomułka pledged to dismantle Stalinism and in his acceptance speech raised numerous social democratic - sounding reformist ideas, giving hope to the left - wing revisionists and others in Polish society that the communist state was, after all, reformable . The revisionists replaced and claimed to represent the worker movement, recently defeated in Poznań . The main goals in pursuit of which they engaged were political freedom and self - management in state enterprises . However, the end of Soviet influence in Eastern Europe was nowhere in sight . On 14 May 1955, the Warsaw Pact was signed in the Polish capital, to counteract the earlier establishment of NATO . </P>

When did workers in poland won higher wages after an uprising
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